Women’s Political Participation in Armenia: Between Progress and Persistent Barriers

Expanding women’s political participation is a cornerstone of democratic governance and a fundamental requirement for human rights and social justice, enshrined in international frameworks such as the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action. In 2025, marking the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Platform, UN member states reaffirmed their commitments under the Beijing+30 agenda and adopted new obligations to address persistent gaps and emerging challenges. These included the crucial goal of ensuring equal representation of men and women in decision-making processes, framing gender parity as a universal norm and calling for targeted legal reforms, supportive measures for diverse women leaders, and stronger safeguards against violence in politics.

These renewed commitments carry particular weight in today’s global context where advances in gender equality face mounting resistance and backlash. Progress is typically measured through women’s participation in local and national elections, as well as their presence in positions of authority and decision-making bodies. Against this backdrop, the parliamentary and partial local elections scheduled in Armenia in 2026 take on heightened significance, offering both a barometer of change and an opportunity to advance gender equality in the country’s political sphere.

The 2026 parliamentary election will be the third national vote held under Nikol Pashinyan since the 2018 Velvet  Revolution, which was not only a demand for an end to entrenched corruption but also carried explicit promises to amplify women’s political voice and was even hailed by some as a fight for gender equality. Pashinyan declared at the time that it was necessary that equal opportunities be ensured for all women to continue taking part in political decisions in the new Armenia. Yet, despite some progress, women’s presence in political life remains uneven – men continue to dominate the political elite and challenges in developing women’s leadership persist – raising questions about the depth of the changes achieved since 2018. This article explores Armenia’s present landscape of women’s political participation, assessing the extent to which women have been able to translate the political gains of the Velvet Revolution.

During this research, the Armenian women politicians interviewed,¹ reflecting on their careers and the factors that have either facilitated or hindered their progress, emphasised that support networks, media visibility, international assistance programmes, and gender quotas play a crucial role in promoting women’s political participation. Yet persistent obstacles, including financial constraints, entrenched party hierarchies, and targeted attacks on social media and in the press, continue to restrict their full engagement and limit pathways to leadership.

Post-revolution gains and quota mechanisms

Armenia’s current figure of 38.3% women in the National Assembly places the country 34th out of 182 in the Inter‑Parliamentary Union’s ranking, well above the global average of 27.1% for unicameral chambers. While the worldwide share of women parliamentarians has risen by only 4.1 percentage points over the past eight years (from 23% to 27.1%), Armenia’s proportion has surged by 20.3 points in the same period – from 18% in 2018 to the present 38.3%² – coinciding with the country’s transition to a pure parliamentary system.

This rapid ascent rests on two complementary inclusion mechanisms enshrined in the Electoral Code [in Armenian]. First, its gender‑balance rule caps any single gender at 70% of a party list, effectively imposing a minimum 30% quota for women. Second, the adoption of a simple proportional list system eliminated the former mixed‑system regional tier, guaranteeing that every name on a party’s list – women included – has a realistic chance of entering the legislature.

The impact of these reforms was clear in the 2021 elections. While the Electoral Code required parties to include women in at least 30% of the seats on their candidate lists, parties went beyond this minimum, averaging around 35%. As a result, women’s share in parliament reached 38.3%, illustrating how quotas not only set a baseline but also encourage parties to voluntarily promote greater gender representation.

The contrast with the 2018 elections is striking. Under the mixed system that combined national party lists with local district candidates and had a lower gender quota of 25%, parties included on average 32% women on their lists, yet only 24% were elected. This shortfall reflected the greater challenges women faced when competing in local districts. The switch to a fully proportional system in 2021 removed these structural barriers, allowing more women to be elected and significantly increasing female representation in parliament. This experience also aligns with international research, which confirms that a simple proportional system tends to be the most favourable for advancing women’s political participation.

The upcoming 2026 parliamentary election will be the first national vote evaluated under the 2025–2028 Strategy and Action Plan for the Implementation of Gender Policy [in Armenian]. One of its objectives is to strengthen the capacities of women political leaders and women active in legislative, executive, and judicial bodies and local self-government, focusing on inclusive leadership, public speaking, policy development, negotiation, building networks, and organising political activities through training and mentorship. However, the strategy does not clarify how political parties will engage and be held accountable, instead assigning responsibility to state bodies without establishing clear funding mechanisms. In this context, the elections will not only determine the composition of the next National Assembly but also signal how deeply the promises of the Velvet Revolution – greater participation, accountability, and inclusivity – have taken root, particularly for women seeking a foothold in Armenia’s political landscape.

From representation to influence

International experience shows that gender equality in political life is far more than a question of numbers; quotas alone are not enough to achieve full equality. In particular, drawing on examples from multiple countries, Organisation for Security and Co‑operation in Europe (OSCE) experts find that a high proportion of women in parliament does not automatically translate into equal influence over political agendas, nor does it mean that gender equality has become an established value in political culture. This observation is echoed in Armenia’s experience, where numerical gains have yet to translate into the full participation of women in leadership and decision-making roles. Women remain virtually absent in parliamentary leadership: as of 2025, they hold no vice‑presidential posts, no faction leadership, and only two of the twelve standing committees, and no woman has yet served as Speaker of the National Assembly. By contrast, the global picture for 2025 shows women in 23.8% of speaker roles, 32.6% of deputy‑speaker posts and 27% of committee chairs, underscoring the gap between representation and influence.

While research conducted in Armenia suggests that the proportional system reduces certain material barriers – such as campaign financing and unequal competition – it does little to raise women’s public profile or to develop the leadership capital required for senior positions. This conclusion is also supported by an analysis of interviews with women serving in parliament and in local government regarding their political careers. In general, women’s political advancement depends on two closely connected factors: firstly, strong support within their parties, including winnable list placements, mentorship, and dedicated resources, since without party backing elected women struggle to exert influence within their own ranks; and secondly, the ability to convert their seats into visible legislative achievements and political leverage.

A further dynamic has been the generational rejuvenation of the National Assembly. The average age of deputies is 41.7 years and 56% of deputies are under 40. The influx of younger women holds the potential to challenge entrenched stereotypes and to create a pipeline of future leaders, yet the glass ceiling within party hierarchies continues to limit their rise to senior roles.

The interviews with women holding office show that the increase in parliamentary seats occupied by women as a result of the gender‑quota regime masks a set of deeply rooted obstacles that continue to curtail women’s full political integration. Although many women cite a blend of ideological conviction, personal ambition, and community duty as their impetus for entering politics, the discourse of gender equality itself remains peripheral – both among respondents and their party programmes. It surfaces only sporadically, usually tethered to broader socialist or human rights narratives, and seldom forms a core element of party programmes or individual motivation. This marginalisation of gender equality concerns is compounded by political structures and leadership norms within parties, which often prioritise hierarchical and competitive approaches that can make it harder for women to advance their agendas and influence policy, regardless of style or approach.

Moreover, cultural stereotypes and entrenched patriarchal norms remain structural barriers that erode confidence and discourages broader participation, while financial constraints further narrow the field. Opaque party hierarchies and closed decision‑making circles restrict access to winnable list slots and deprive women of the resources needed for effective campaigning. Even where internal gender‑quota provisions exist, party cultures often remain paternalistic, relegating women to supportive rather than decision‑making roles and thereby mitigating the impact of the quota on senior leadership.

Digital harassment and risks for women leaders

Harassment adds an additional layer of difficulty for women participating in public life. Online gender-based violence is highly prevalent globally and includes abusive language, disinformation, doxing, and other forms of harassment. Women in political positions, including parliamentarians, frequently experience these attacks. Such harassment is widely recognised as a threat to democracy, reducing women’s engagement in public life and undermining their ability to participate fully in political processes. Based on their own accounts, women politicians interviewed in Armenia are regularly targeted in both traditional media and on online platforms, facing sexist attacks, personal threats, and attacks directed at their family life. These assaults not only jeopardise personal safety but also damage public credibility, especially in a digital environment that favours impunity and amplifies vulnerability. The scarcity of protective mechanisms or mentorship schemes, as well as high-visibility media opportunities, further hamper women’s ability to build their public profiles and the kind of networks needed for advancement.

Digital platforms have become an essential arena for political communication, but they also expose women to heightened risk. Although social media offers a direct line to voters, bypassing traditional gatekeepers, it simultaneously opens the door to online harassment, sexist trolling, and the exposure of private information. Interviewees who invested in digital media literacy and cybersecurity training reported higher confidence in managing their online presence and converting digital engagement into concrete constituency support. By contrast, those without such preparation described a chilling effect as they felt less willing to speak openly on contentious issues.

Online manifestations of gender‑based hostility have become a defining feature of Armenia’s digital public sphere, with women who occupy political roles bearing the brunt of the abuse. A study conducted by the All for Equal Rights Foundation documents a disturbing prevalence of gender‑based hate speech directed at women who operate in the public sphere. The research shows that hate speech is increasingly weaponised as a political instrument, with the intensity of online hostility closely mirroring the country’s broader political climate. When political tensions rise, both the volume of discussion and the proportion of abusive language spike dramatically, especially in comment sections attached to politically charged posts. Women who hold elected office, belong to a political party, articulate partisan viewpoints or are otherwise publicly recognised are the most frequent targets, attracting the highest levels of user engagement and the most virulent attacks.

Overcoming these barriers will require coordinated reforms that embed gender‑sensitive leadership development, transparent party governance, and robust safeguards against harassment into the very fabric of Armenia’s democratic institutions. This includes combining the development of legal mechanisms for protections and the criminalisation of online hate speech and violence against women with safe and accessible mechanisms for filing complaints and removing harmful content. Complementary measures such as technical and digital safety tools, media literacy support, and practical assistance throughout political engagement are also essential. Social media companies also carry an important responsibility for introducing stronger mechanisms that limit online abuse and create safe digital environments.

Challenges in municipal governance

At the municipal level, women’s political participation is hampered by a cluster of inter‑related barriers that emerge clearly from the study’s findings.  The introduction of a gender quota in Armenia’s local government system in 2020 has helped increase the number of women in municipal councils, but its impact has been constrained by instances of self-recusal and resignation – issues that recent amendments to the Electoral Code seek to address.

Besides, there are fewer incentives for political parties to invest in women’s political leadership at the local level. Unlike in the national arena where legal incentives tie the funding [in Armenian] of parties represented in parliament to women’s representation, municipalities lack robust mechanisms to guarantee sustained backing for female candidates, leaving them dependent on ad‑hoc assistance from local NGOs or informal networks.  Cultural gender stereotypes persist strongly in local communities, shaping public expectations that women should prioritise family duties over public service. This stereotype translates into a “double‑burden” for female local politicians, who must juggle household responsibilities, caregiving, and the time‑intensive demands of council work, often without the childcare or flexible working arrangements that are more readily discussed at the national level.

Municipal budgets for outreach, staffing, and constituency services are modest, making political capital a crucial resource for advancing local initiatives. Interviewed women reported often facing greater challenges than men in accessing these networks and resources, forcing them to rely more heavily on personal funds or small-scale community donations. This limits the scope of their impact and reduces their ability to deliver visible, tangible results, which in turn constrains their political influence and prospects for advancement.

Finally, the lack of formal mentorship and networking mechanisms at the local level means that aspiring female politicians must seek guidance from civil society organisations or rely on informal community leaders, which can be inconsistent and insufficient for navigating the complexities of municipal governance. Collectively, these barriers create a challenging environment that limits women’s ability to enter, remain in, and advance within local political institutions.

Leveraging EU integration and CEPA

Armenia’s experience over the past decade demonstrates that numerical representation is a necessary but insufficient condition for gender equitable governance. The rise in women’s seats, driven largely by quota mechanisms, has advanced women’s political representation but has yet to deliver substantive changes. The obstacles identified – institutional inertia within parties, entrenched cultural stereotypes, the dual burden of work and home, and digital vulnerabilities – are multidimensional. Addressing any single dimension yields limited gains; it is only through a holistic strategy that integrates legal reforms, capacity building, public awareness campaigns, and technological safeguards that the full potential of women’s political agency can be truly unlocked. The 2026 elections will test Armenia’s democracy, challenging the depth of its democratic reforms and its resilience in the face of a turbulent transition.

In this context, Armenia’s growing closeness with the EU and its ambition to apply for EU membership could act as an additional lever for gender equality, creating both incentives and frameworks for advancing women’s political empowerment. In particular, the EU accession process has the potential to serve as a structured mechanism for policy alignment, encouraging Armenia to progressively adopt a whole-of-policy approach to gender equality. This approach could include integrating gender considerations across sectoral policies – such as education, employment, and digital governance –strengthening institutional and legal frameworks and fostering enabling conditions conducive to increasing women’s representation and participation in political decision-making. The EU-Armenia Comprehensive and Enhanced Partnership Agreement (CEPA) already provides a legal and policy framework for promoting gender equality and inclusive governance. Article 85 of the CEPA emphasises the promotion of equal opportunities and anti-discrimination, aiming to enhance gender equality and ensure equal opportunities between women and men. These provisions remain largely underused as tools for targeted policy dialogue and funding.

As Armenia prepares to intensify its efforts for EU membership in 2026, there is both a political and practical rationale to operationalise CEPA more fully as a vehicle for democratic and gender reforms. Doing so could leverage Armenia’s EU aspirations to strengthen gender-focused accountability, linking technical assistance and financial support directly to measurable outcomes such as women’s representation in political institutions, the effectiveness of party quotas, and leadership training at the local level. This approach would also advance Armenia’s commitments under the Beijing Platform for Action, ensuring that international gender equality standards are translated into concrete national policies and practices that empower women across all levels of decision-making.

 

¹ This article draws on a recent study based on 40 interviews conducted between June and September 2025 with women serving in Armenia’s National Assembly and local self-government bodies, including 15 MPs and 25 municipal council members or mayors. The study was conducted by Tamara Hovnatanyan, Director of the NGO WomenNet, and commissioned by the European Partnership for Democracy and the OxYGen Foundation as part of the EU-funded EQUAL project. Key insights from the study are highlighted in this article, and the full report is available here.

² Figures compiled by the author using data from Inter-Parliamentary Union, Women in Parliament 1995–2025, (Geneva: Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2025); and OxYGen Foundation, Promoting Women’s Political Participation in Armenia: Policy Brief (Yerevan: OxYGen, 2024).

 

Authors

 

This publication was produced as part of the EU-funded EQUAL: EU 4 Women Empowerment in Armenia project, coordinated by the OxYGen Foundation and implemented in partnership with the European Partnership for Democracy, the Netherlands Helsinki Committee, Women Support Center, Winnet Armenia and Winnet Sweden.

Photo credit: ©Marcin Konsek, Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0)